回答36-45題：

　　Women with low literacy suffer disproportionately more than men, encountering more 36_________ in finding a well-paying job and being twice as likely to end up in the group of lowest wage earners, a study released on Wednesday said.

　　Analysis by the Institute for Women's Policy Research (IWPR. found women at all levels of 37_________ tend to earn less than men, but it's at the lowest literacy levels that the wage gap between genders is most striking.

　　Women with low literacy are twice as 38_________ as men at the same skill level to be among the lowest earners, bringing in $300 a week or less, the report said.

　　"Because women start off so low in terms of wages, having higher literacy and more skills really 39_________ a big difference," said Kevin Miller, a 40_________ research associate at IWPR and co-author of the study.

　　Women need to go 41_________ in their training and education level to earn the same as men, Miller said.

　　The 42_________ was based on 2009 National Assessment of Adult Literacy surveys, the most recent data 43_________ , and focused on reading skills, not writing and numeric literacy. That data was 44_________ from a nationally representative sample of 19,714 people aged 16 and older, living in households or prisons.

　　Data showed about one-third of American adults have low literacy levels, and more than 36 percent of men and 33 percent of women fall into that 45_________ , the institute said.

　　A. pattern

　　B. senior

　　C. longer

　　D. difficulties

　　E. category

　　F. collected

　　G. positions

　　H. available

　　I. conducted

　　J. independent

　　K. literacy

　　L. analysis

　　M. likely

　　N. further

　　O. makes

　　Section B

　　Directions: In this section, you are going to read a passage with ten statements attached to it. Each statement contains information given in one of the paragraphs. Identify the paragraph from which the information is derived.

　　You may choose a paragraph more than once. Each paragraph is marked with a letter. Answer the questions by marking the corresponding letter on Answer Sheet 2.

　　回答46-55題：

　　A) The legislation concerning financial reform focuses on helping regulators detect and defuse (減少....的危險性) the next crisis. But it doesn't address many of the underlying conditions that can cause problems.

　　B) The legislation gives regulators the power to oversee shadow banks and take failing firms apart, convenes a council of superregulators to watch the megafirms that pose a risk to the full financialsystem, and much else.

　　C) But the bill does more to help regulators detect the next financial crisis than to actually stop it from happening.In that way, it's like the difference between improving public health and improving medicine: The bill focuses on helping the doctors who figure out when you're sick and how to get you better rather than on the conditions (sewer systems and air quality and hygiene standards and so on) that contribute to whether you get sick in the first place.

　　D) That is to say, many of the weaknesses and imbalances that led to the financial crisis will survive our regulatory response, and it's important to keep that in mind. So here are five we still have to watch out for:

　　1. The Global Glut (供過于求) of Savings

　　E) "One of the leading indicators of a financial crisis is when you have a sustained surge in money flowing into the country which makes borrowing cheaper and easier," says Harvard economist Kenneth Rogoff. Our crisis was no different: Between 1987 and 1999, our current account deficit--the measure of how much money is coming in versus going out--fluctuated between 1 and 2 percent of gross domestic product. By 2006, it had hit 6 percent.

　　F) The sharp rise was driven by emerging economies with lots of growth and few investment opportunities-think China-funneling their money to developed economies with less growth and lots of investment opportunities. But we've gotten out of the crisis without fixing it. China is still growing fast, exporting faster, and sending the money over to US.

　　2. Household Debt-and Why We Need It

　　G) The fact that money is available to borrow doesn't explain why Americans borrowed so much of it. Household debt as a percentage of GDP went from a bit less than 60 percent at the beginning of the 1990s to a bit less than 100 percent in 2006. "This is where I come to income inequality," says Raghuram Rajan, an economist at the University of Chicago. "A large part of the population saw relatively stagnant incomes over the 1980s and 1990s. Credit was so welcome because it kept people who were falling behind reasonably happy. You were keeping up, even if your income wasn't."

　　H) Incomes, of course, are even more stagnant now that unemployment is at 9 percent. And that pain isn't being shared equally: inequality has actually risen since before the recession, as joblessness is proving sticky among the poor, but recovery has been swift for the rich. Household borrowing is still more than 90 percent of GDP, and the conditions that drove it up there are, if anything, worse.

　　3. The "Shadow Banking" Market

　　I) The financial crisis started out similarly severe, but it wasn't, at first, a crisis of consumers. It was a crisis of banks. It never became a crisis of consumers because consumer deposits are insured. But large investors-pension funds, banks, corporations, and others--aren't insured. But when they hear that their collateral ( 附屬擔(dān)保品 ) is dropping in value, they demand their money back. And when everyone does that at once, it's like an old-fashioned bank run: The banks can't pay everyone off at once, so they unload all their assets to get capital, the assets become worthless because everyone is trying to unload them, and the banks collapse.

　　J) "This is an inherent problem of privately created money," says Gary Gorton, an economist at Princeton University. "It is vulnerable to these kinds of runs." This year, we're bringing this shadow banking system under the control of regulators and giving them all sorts of information on it and power over it, but we're not doing anything like deposit insurance, where we simply make the deposits safe so runs become an anachronism.

　　4. Rich Banks

　　K) In the 1980s, the financial sector's share of total corporate profits ranged from about 10 to 20 percent. By 2004, it was about 35 percent. Simon Johnson, an economist at MIT, recalls a conversation he had with a fund manager. "The guy said to me, 'Simon, it's so little money! You can sway senators for $10 million!?'"Johnson laughs ruefully (后悔地). "These guys [ big investors ] don't even think in millions. They think in billions."

　　L) What you get for that money is favors. The last financial crisis fades from memory and the public begins to focus on other things. Then the finance guys begin nudging (游說). They hold some fundraisers for politicians, make some friends, explain how the regulations they're under are onerous and unfair. And slowly, surely, those regulations come undone. This financial crisis will stick in our minds for a while, but not forever. And after briefly dropping to less than 15 percent of corporate profits, the financial sector has rebounded to more than 30 percent. They'll have plenty of money with which to help their friends forget this whole nasty affair.

　　5. Lax ( 不嚴(yán)格的) Regulators

　　M ) The most troubling prospect is the chance that this bill, if we'd passed it in 2000, wouldn't even have prevented this financial crisis. That's not to undersell it: It would've given regulators more information with which to predict the crisis. But they had enough information, and they ignored it. They get caught up in boom times just like everyone else. A bubble, almost by definition, affects the regulators with the power to pop it.

　　N) In 2005, with housing prices running far, far ahead of the historical trend, Bemanke said a housing bubble was "a pretty unlikely possibility". In 2007, he said Fed officials "do not expect significant spillovers from the subprime market to the rest of the economy." Alan Greenspan, looking back at the financial crisis, admitted in April that regulators "have had a woeful record of chronic failure. History tells us they cannot identify the timing of a crisis, or anticipate exactly where it will be located or how large the losses and spillovers will be."

　　46、In the 1980s and 1990s people experienced no substantial increase in terms of income, which brought about the popularity of credit.

　　47、Financial crisis is a crisis of banks in that shadow banking may cause banks to fail.

　　48、The finance guys make friends with politicians in the hope of making some burdensome and unfair regulations cancelled.

　　49、The legislation concerning financial reform offers regulators the power of supervising shadow banks and disintegrating companies on the verge of bankruptcy.

　　50、In terms of the effect of unemployment, it is more deeply felt by the poor than by the rich.

　　51、Even if there was enough information to predict there would be financial crisis, the regulators still chose to ignore it.

　　52、Emerging economies with insufficient investment opportunities have invested much money in developed countries.

　　53、Regulators with power tended to fail again and again concerning forecasting a financial crisis.

　　54、A fund manager or large investor is considered absurdly rich by an economist from MIT.

　　55、Large investors' deposits can be made safer if shadow banking system is under the control of regulators.

　　Section C

　　Directions: There are 2 passages in this section. Each passage is followed by some questions or unfinished statements. For each of them there are four choices marked A), B), C) and D ). You should decide on the best choice and mark the corresponding letter on Answer Sheet 2 with a single line through the centre.

　　回答56-60題：

　　Opinion polls are now beginning to show a reluctant consensus that, whoever is to blame and whatever happens from now on, high unemployment is probably here to stay. This means we shall have to find ways of sharing the available employment more widely. But we need to go further. We must ask some fundamental questions about the furore of work. Should we continue to treat employment as the norm? Should we not rather encourage many other ways for self-respecting people to work? Should we not create conditions in which many of us can work for ourselves, rather than for an employer7 Should we not aim to revive the household and the neighborhood, as well as the factory and the office, as centers of production and work?

　　The industrial age has been the only period of human history in which most people's work has taken the form of jobs. The industrial age may now be coming to an end, and some of the changes in work patterns which it brought may have to be reversed. This seems a daunting thought. But, in fact, it could offer the prospect of a better future for work. Universal employment, as its history shows, has not meant economic freedom.

　　Employment became widespread when the enclosures of the 17th and 18th centuries made many people dependent on paid work by depriving them of the use of the land, and thus of the means to provide a living for themselves. Then the factory system destroyed the cottage industries and removed work from people's homes. Later, as transport improved, first by rail and then by mad, people commuted longer distances to their places of employment until, eventually, many people's work lost all connection with their home lives and the places in which they lived.

　　Meanwhile, employment put women at a disadvantage. In pre-industrial times, men and women had shared the productive work of the household and village community. Now it became customary for the husband to go out to paid employment, leaving the unpaid work of the home and the family to his wife. Tax and benefit regulations still assume this norm today, and restrict more flexible sharing of work roles between the sexes.

　　It was not only women whose work status suffered. As employment became the dominant form of work, young people and old people were excluded--a problem now, as more teenagers become frustrated at school and more retired people want to live active lives.

　　All this may now have to change. The time has certainly come to switch some effort and resources away from the utopian goal of creating jobs for all, to the urgent practical task of helping many people to manage without full- time jobs.

　　56、According to the author, the universal employment has _______.

　　A.turned out not to be the best form of jobs

　　B.created an alternative form of jobs

　　C.built the foundation of an economic leap

　　D.failed to produce job opportunities for most people

　　57、Modem forms of transportation have greatly encouraged_______.

　　A.the phenomenon of deprivation of employees' leisure time

　　B.the disconnection between people's work and their family life

　　C.the commutation between the working places and employees' homes

　　D.people's desire to work far away from where they were born

　　58、It can be inferred from the passage that _______.

　　A.women could have been more productive than men in a proper job system

　　B.work in pre-industrial times has been distriibuted evenly between men and women

　　C.paid employment has aroused serious social problems in current society

　　D.women have been treated unfairly under the employment system of industrial age

　　59、What is the problem for the young under the employment system?

　　A.They are less likely to compete with the aged.

　　B.They are much worried about the generation gap.

　　C.They are more likely to suffer from unemployment.

　　D.Their academic performances seem useless for job hunting.

　　60、What is the possible change of job forms?

　　A.Full-time employment will not be the dominant form of work.

　　B.Most people can work at home and for themselves.

　　C.The differences between men and women will disappear.

　　D.All people get equal job opportunities and equal pay.

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