61. Of course, it would be as dangerous to overreact to history by concluding that the majority must now be wrong about expansion as it would be to re-enact the response that greeted the suggestion that the continents had drifted.
62. While the fact of this consumer revolution is hardly in doubt, three key questions remain: who were the consumers? What were their motives? And what were the effect of the new demand for luxuries?
63. Although it has been possible to infer from the goods and services actually produced what manufacturers and servicing trades thought their customers wanted, only a study of relevant personal documents written by actual consumers will provide a precise picture of who wanted what.
64. With respect to their reasons for immigrating, Grassy does not deny their frequently noted fact that some of the immigrants of the 1630’s, most notably the organizers and clergy, advanced religious explanations for departure, but he finds that such explanations usually assumed primacy only in retrospect.
65. If we take the age-and sex-specific unemployment rates that existed in 1956 (when the overall unemployment rate was 4.1 percent) and weight them by the age- and sex-specific shares of the labor force that prevail currently, the overall unemployment rate becomes 5 percent.
66. He was puzzled that I did not want what was obviously a “ step up” toward what all Americans are taught to want when they grow up: money and power.
67. Unless productivity growth is unexpectedly large, however, the expansion of real output must eventually begin to slow down to the economy’s larger run growth potential if generalized demand pressures on prices are to be avoided.
68. However, when investment flows primarily in one direction, as it generally does from industrial to developing countries, the seemingly reciprocal source-based restrictions produce revenue sacrifices primarily by the state receiving most of the foreign investment and producing most of the income—namely ,the developing country partner.
69. The pursuit of private interests with as little interference as possible from government was seen as the road to human happiness and progress rather than the public obligation and involvement in the collective community that emphasized by the Greeks.
70. The defense lawyer relied on long-standing principles governing the conduct of prosecuting attorneys: as quasi-judicial officers of the court they are under a duty not to prejudice a party’s case through overzealous prosecution or to detract from the impartiality of courtroom atmosphere.
71. No prudent person dared to act on the assumption that, when the continent was settled, one government could include the whole; and when the vast expense broke up, as seemed inevitable, into a collection of separate nations, only discord, antagonism, and wars could be expected.
72. If they were right in thinking that the next necessity in human progress was to lift the average person upon an intellectual and social level with the most favored, they stood at least three generations nearer than Europe to that goal.
73. Somehow he knows that if our huckstering civilization did not at every moment violate the eternal fitness of things, the poet’s song would have been given to the world, and the poet would have been cared for by the whole human brotherhood, as any man should be who does the duty that every man owes it.
74. The instinctive sense of the dishonor which money-purchase does to art is so strong that sometimes a man of letters who can pay his way otherwise refuses pay for his work, as Lord Byron did, for a while, from a noble pride, and as Count Tolstoy has tried to do, from a noble conscience.
75. Perhaps he believed that he could not criticize American foreign policy without endangering the support for civil rights that he had won from the federal government.
76. Abraham Lincoln, who presided in his stone temple on August 28, 1963 above the children of the slaves he emancipated (解放), may have used just the right words to sum up the general reaction to the Negroes’ massive march on Washington.
77. In the Warren Court era, voters asked the Court to pass on issues concerning the size and shape of electoral districts, partly out of desperation because no other branch of government offered relief, and partly out of hope that the Court would reexamine old decisions in this area as it had in others, looking at basic constitutional principles in the light of modern living conditions.
78. Some even argue plausibly that this weakness may be irremediable : in any society that, like a capitalist society, seeks to become ever wealthier in material terms disproportionate rewards are bound to flow to the people who are instrumental in producing the increase in its wealth.
79. This doctrine has broadened the application of the Fourteenth Amendment to other, nonracial forms of discrimination, for while some justices have refused to find any legislative classification other than race to be constitutionally disfavored, most have been receptive to arguments that at least some nonracial discriminations, sexual discrimination in particular, are “suspect” and deserve this heightened scrutiny by the courts.
80. But as cameras become more sophisticated, more automated, some photographers are tempted to disarm themselves or to suggest that they are not really armed, preferring to submit themselves to the limits imposed by premodern camera technology because a cruder, less high-powered machine is thought to give more interesting or emotive results, to have more room for creative accident.
第四部分(61-80句譯文)
61、當(dāng)然,對(duì)歷史反應(yīng)過(guò)度以致結(jié)論說(shuō)關(guān)于擴(kuò)張的問(wèn)題大多數(shù)人都錯(cuò)了與重新形成對(duì)大陸漂浮建議理論的反應(yīng)一樣,是危險(xiǎn)的。將來(lái)對(duì)于這些關(guān)鍵問(wèn)題的研究毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)是必要的,然而不應(yīng)該否定最近研究結(jié)論的說(shuō)服力,在18世紀(jì)的英格蘭對(duì)于一些微不足道和有使用價(jià)值的商品和服務(wù)的需求,預(yù)示了我們今天的世界。
62、然而這種消費(fèi)革命的情況還有疑問(wèn),三個(gè)關(guān)鍵的問(wèn)題是:消費(fèi)者是什么人?他們的動(dòng)機(jī)是什么?對(duì)于奢侈品的新型需求的效果是什么?
63、盡管從生產(chǎn)廠商和服務(wù)行業(yè)認(rèn)為他們的顧客需要并實(shí)際生產(chǎn)的產(chǎn)品或者提供的服務(wù)來(lái)推斷他是可能的。但只有對(duì)實(shí)際的消費(fèi)者填寫(xiě)的個(gè)人資料的研究才能清楚地描述顧客的需求。
64、對(duì)于他們移民原因的細(xì)節(jié),Grassy并不否認(rèn)他們經(jīng)常提出的事實(shí)-17世紀(jì)30年代的一些移民主要由組織家和牧師組成,提出了要離開(kāi)的宗教解釋?zhuān)l(fā)現(xiàn)只是以回顧的方式推定的基本情況。
65、如果我們將1956年(當(dāng)時(shí)的平均失業(yè)率為4、1%)的年齡和性別失業(yè)率分來(lái)用今天一般的勞動(dòng)力中年齡性別比來(lái)計(jì)算的話(huà),平均失業(yè)率就是5%了。
66、他很迷惑我并不想要明顯的是所有美國(guó)人被教導(dǎo)長(zhǎng)大后要追求的東西:金錢(qián)和權(quán)力。
67、除非生產(chǎn)力的增長(zhǎng)出人意料的大,不然實(shí)際產(chǎn)出的擴(kuò)大最終要開(kāi)始減緩以適應(yīng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的可持續(xù)發(fā)展,這樣才能避免價(jià)格的綜合需求壓力。
68、然而,當(dāng)投資基本上流向一個(gè)方面時(shí),就像一般從工業(yè)化到一般發(fā)展中國(guó)家一樣,看起來(lái)是基于雙方資源的規(guī)定產(chǎn)生的收入損失主要由接收大量外國(guó)投資和創(chuàng)造大部分收益的國(guó)家來(lái)承擔(dān)-即發(fā)展中國(guó)家一方。
69、盡可能沒(méi)有政府干預(yù)地追求個(gè)人利益被看作為通往人類(lèi)幸福的道路和進(jìn)步,而不是像希臘人強(qiáng)調(diào)的集體社會(huì)中的公共義務(wù)與參與。
70、辯護(hù)律師依靠長(zhǎng)期作用的準(zhǔn)則來(lái)約束原告律師的行來(lái):作為法庭的準(zhǔn)司法人員,他們有責(zé)任不能過(guò)分起訴來(lái)偏見(jiàn)性對(duì)待一方的案子或者破壞法庭的公正氣氛。
71、沒(méi)有一個(gè)謹(jǐn)慎的人能按如下的假設(shè)行事:當(dāng)陸地確定以后,一個(gè)政府并不能包括全部;當(dāng)這種巨大的開(kāi)銷(xiāo)終于分裂為幾個(gè)民族時(shí),這看起來(lái)是不可避免的,人們就只能等待著爭(zhēng)論,敵對(duì)和戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)了。
72、如果他們認(rèn)為人類(lèi)進(jìn)步的下一步必需是把普通人的智力水平和社會(huì)地位向著最受歡迎的方向提高的看法正確的話(huà),他們至少要比歐洲超前三代接近那個(gè)目標(biāo)。
73、他認(rèn)識(shí)到如果不是我們的“小貶”文明每時(shí)每刻地破壞事實(shí)內(nèi)部的和諧的話(huà),詩(shī)人的詩(shī)歌就該已經(jīng)奉獻(xiàn)給了世界,而詩(shī)人也該被全人類(lèi)關(guān)懷著,每個(gè)為大家做事的人都該被如此對(duì)待。
74、金錢(qián)購(gòu)買(mǎi)給藝術(shù)的本能恥辱感如此強(qiáng)烈,以致可有時(shí)文人可以獲得報(bào)酬卻拒絕為其作品給予的報(bào)酬,Lord Byron有時(shí)因?yàn)樽鹳F的自豪而這么做,而Count Tolstoy則出于貴族的良知而盡力這么做。
75、也許他認(rèn)為他批評(píng)美國(guó)的外支政策就會(huì)使他從聯(lián)幫政府那里獲得的對(duì)人權(quán)和的支持受到威脅。
76、Abraham Lincoln在1963年8月28日在他掌管的石頭寺里解放了奴隸的孩子們,使用了正確的詞語(yǔ)來(lái)總統(tǒng)對(duì)待華盛頓的黑人群眾游行。
77、在Warren法庭時(shí)代,選民們要求法庭通過(guò)有關(guān)選區(qū)的大小和形狀的問(wèn)題,一方面因?yàn)槌鲇诮^望-沒(méi)有什么其他的政府部門(mén)提供緩解的辦法;一方面出于希望-法庭根據(jù)現(xiàn)代的生活條件來(lái)審視基本的憲法原則,像其他地區(qū)一樣重新審查在這一地區(qū)的舊的規(guī)定。
78、有些人甚至看似事理地認(rèn)為這一弱點(diǎn)無(wú)可補(bǔ)救:在任何一個(gè)在物質(zhì)財(cái)富方面追求更加富裕的社會(huì)中,比如說(shuō)資本主義社會(huì),比例不均衡的回報(bào)肯定要流向那些在創(chuàng)造財(cái)富增長(zhǎng)的過(guò)程中提供設(shè)備的人。
79、這一學(xué)說(shuō)把十四修正案的應(yīng)用擴(kuò)大到了其他方面,由于一些法官拒絕用憲法來(lái)給除種族外的東西來(lái)進(jìn)行法定分類(lèi)予以否定,許多人覺(jué)得這一論點(diǎn)可以接受;至少有一些非種族的歧視,特別是性別歧視被懷疑要受法庭的仔細(xì)審查。
80、但由于照相機(jī)變得越來(lái)越精細(xì),越來(lái)越自動(dòng)化了,一些攝影師禁不住開(kāi)始解除他們的裝備或者說(shuō)他們根本沒(méi)什么裝備,而傾向于運(yùn)用那些非現(xiàn)代的照相技術(shù),因?yàn)橐患芪闯墒,力不大的機(jī)器被認(rèn)為更加有趣或者說(shuō)更能有情緒結(jié)果,給人更多的創(chuàng)作空間。
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