Text 5

　　2011年考研英語(yǔ)備考：英語(yǔ)閱讀專(zhuān)項(xiàng)特訓(xùn)匯總

　　It is true, as the movement critics assert, that the present women’s liberation groups are almost entirely based among “middle class” women, that is, college and career women; and the issues of psychological and sexual exploitation and, to a lesser extent, exploitation through consumption, have been the most prominent ones.

　　It is not surprising that the women’s liberation movement should begin among bourgeois women, and should be dominated in the beginning by their consciousness and their particular concerns. Radical women are generally the post war middle class generation that grew up with the right to vote, the chance at higher education and training for supportive roles in the professions and business. Most of them are young and sophisticated enough to have not yet had children and do not have to marry to support themselves. In comparison with most women, they are capable of a certain amount of control over their lives.

　　The higher development of bourgeois democratic society allows the women who benefit from education and relative equality to see the contradictions between its rhetoric (every boy can become president) and their actual place in that society. The working class woman might believe that education could have made her financially independent but the educated career woman finds that money has not made her independent. In fact, because she has been allowed to progress halfway on the upward�瞞obility ladder she can see the rest of the distance that is denied her only because she is a woman. She can see the similarity between her oppression and that of other sections of the population. Thus, from their own experience, radical women in the movement are aware of more faults in the society than racism and imperialism. Because they have pushed the democratic myth to its limits, they know concretely how it limits them.

　　At the same time that radical women were learning about American society they were also becoming aware of the male chauvinism in the movement. In fact, that is usually the cause of their first conscious verbalization of the prejudice they feel; it is more disillusioning to know that the same contradiction exists between the movement’s rhetoric of equality and its reality, for we expect more of our comrades.

　　This realization of the deep-seated prejudice against themselves in the movement produces two common reactions among its women: 1) a preoccupation with this immediate barrier (and perhaps a resultant hopelessness), and 2) a tendency to retreat inward, to buy the fool’s gold of creating a personally liberated life style.

　　However, our concept of liberation represents a consciousness that conditions have forced on us while most of our sisters are chained by other conditions, biological and economic, that overwhelm their humanity and desires for self fulfillment. Our background accounts for our ignorance about the stark oppression of women’s daily lives. (468 words)

　　1. What’s the basic difference between Middle Class women and other women in the liberation movement?

　　[A] Middle Class women are not married and have no children.

　　[B] Middle Class women are not afraid of their husbands.

　　[C] Other women grow up with no rights to vote.

　　[D] Other women have less control of their own lives.

　　2. What can we infer from the third paragraph?

　　[A] What makes women dependent is their economic status.

　　[B] Social democratic development plays a part in social inequality.

　　[C] Women can achieve their social equality through education.

　　[D] The upward�瞞obility ladder denies access to women.

　　3. What do radical women expect more from their male counterparts?

　　[A] More real respect for sex equality.

　　[B] More financial help.

　　[C] More political support.

　　[D] More active involvement in their movement.

　　4. According to the passage, when they realize the prejudice in their movement, a lot of women might

　　[A] become hopeless and pretend to live their own happy life.

　　[B] fight more bravely to get real equality with men.

　　[C] buys some gold so as to store enough money for themselves.

　　[D] retreat from the movement and focus on better education.

　　5. According to the author, the implication of the last paragraph is that most women

　　[A] are eager to be liberated by us from oppression.

　　[B] can retreat from the liberation movement too.

　　[C] couldn’t create the liberated life style as we do.

　　[D] have a strong desire for self-fulfillment as we do.

　　核心詞匯

　　critic n. 批評(píng)家,評(píng)論家

　　assert v. 主張,聲明,斷言

　　liberation n. 解放

　　psychological a. 心理(學(xué))的

　　exploitation n. 開(kāi)發(fā),開(kāi)采,自私的利用

　　consumption n.消耗量, 消費(fèi)量; 消耗, 消費(fèi), 揮霍

　　prominent a.杰出的; 顯著的; 突出的; 重要的

　　bourgeois n. 中產(chǎn)階級(jí)的人a. 中產(chǎn)階級(jí)的

　　dominate v. 支配,占優(yōu)勢(shì)

　　consciousness n. 意識(shí),知覺(jué),自覺(jué)

　　radical n. 激進(jìn)分子,原子團(tuán)a. 激進(jìn)的,根本的,基本的,徹底的

　　sophisticated a. 尖端的,復(fù)雜的,先進(jìn)的;老練的,老于世故的

　　democratic a. 民主的

　　contradiction n. 反駁,矛盾

　　upward-mobility 上進(jìn)心，向上傾向

　　oppression n. 壓抑,沉悶,壓迫手段

　　racism n. 民族主義; 種族歧視(意識(shí))

　　imperialism n. 帝國(guó)主義

　　concretely ad.具體地

　　verbalization n. 以言語(yǔ)表現(xiàn),冗長(zhǎng),冗贅

　　prejudice n. 偏見(jiàn),成見(jiàn),傷害v. 使…存偏見(jiàn),

　　使…有成見(jiàn),傷害

　　disillusion n. 覺(jué)醒,幻滅 v. 醒悟,使幻想破滅

　　rhetoric n. 修辭,華麗虛飾的語(yǔ)言,修辭學(xué)

　　comrade n. 同志

　　preoccupation n. 先取,先入成見(jiàn),偏見(jiàn)

　　biological a. 生物學(xué)的

　　ignorance n. 無(wú)知